The "home country" of more than 300 ethnic groups, Indonesia a multicultural countries in the non-Western world.
8.8 million Indonesians are ethnic Chinese. Apart from the fact that their "home country" is not even here. My paternal ancestors come from Fujian Province, PRC, but we have settled in Central Java for centuries. For other Chinese-Indonesians, could be their home Jakarta, North Sumatra, South Sulawesi, West Kalimantan or East Nusatenggara.
According to Chinese historians Dr. Tuty Muas of Universitas Indonesia, the Chinese have settled in Nusantara since the 13th century Yuan Dynasty. "That's a long time before Dutch Contact" Muas said. "Therefore, the Chinese presence is part of Indonesia is something that we do not deny."
17th to 18th century sugar boom was also a time of mass migration from China to India Batavia. Many Chinese were engaged as skilled artisans to construct Batavia. Others worked in the sugar industry or became dealers. Either way, the Chinese population grew quickly showed exceptional work ethic, and many apparently signs of wealth showed asking social envy.
Many people seem Chinese-Indonesians 'conflict' or link to "violence". And many incidents may be mentioned: in 1740, 1965 and 1998
"There is nothing wrong a the research, then what happened, but when people are past to open wounds in the name of nationalism, then the. problem is, "Muas said. "When Indigenous-Indonesians hold assumption that Chinese-Indonesians are a group that deserves the abuse, and Chinese-Indonesians hold judgment Indigenous-Indonesians in return, then there is no end to the problem. Now is the time to this department to stop and restart all of us to see as Indonesians. "
One of the alleged roots of Chinese discrimination in Indonesia is the Indian Staatsregeling (Indies" State Regulation) from 1925, which classifies effectively Dutch East Indies' citizens in the European, the Far East, and indigenous. Another set of laws that apply to each group. This scheme framed the Chinese, who fell in the middle of the hierarchy, "privileged" appear to be from an indigenous point of view. The privileges were not necessarily those who enjoyed the Chinese how to collect taxes for the Dutch government. But they were enough to breed racial resentment.
The Staatsregeling disregarded the fact that Chinese-Indonesians are politically heterogeneous. In the pre-independence era, some were pro-Netherlands, were some pro-China (including pro-Beijing and pro-Taipei), and others were pro-Indonesia.
Early independence was a relatively quiet time for multicultural Indonesia. After MUAs Sukarno brought do not particularly discriminatory policy, although some scientists dispute this. Indonesia promoted strong ties with the PRC and the USSR. Many Chinese-Indonesians were still citizens of China.
And then, from the nationalist spirit, Sukarno gave the PP10 / 1959 that restricts foreign ownership of retail businesses on the regency level and banned it in sub- districts and villages. The scheme was well-intentioned: Indonesians encourage the management of the new economy of the country to take over and prevent economic neocolonialism. While these policies Chinese-Indonesians are not aimed specifically, were divided many who got owned retail in rural areas in difficulties.
The sociologist Arief Budiman, Chinese-Indonesians in this time politically in integrationist and assimilationists.
integrationists, represented by Baperki, strove for the recognition of Chinese Indonesians as an ethnic group and tended to have secular ideals. Baperki landed lean left, together with the National Indonesian Party (PNI), the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) and Sukarno. In contrast assimilationists, by Lpkb (Lembaga Pembinaan Kesatuan Bangsa) wanted to stop Chinese-Indonesians as Chinese to identify and begin to take on the habits of the indigenous ethnic groups. Lpkb leaned directly with the Islamic and Christian parties, and the military.
Budiman used to be an assimilation bigotry he observed "shameful" because of his dislike for the Chinese among Indonesians, and the idea that a pendatang (outsiders) "in Rome should act novel". Sukarno "authoritarian hell" -As Budiman wrote in Kebebasan, Negara, Pembangunan prompt Budiman generation the right and fight against the left to connect, even though he knew that democracy can not flourish under a military regime.
That is, until 1965-1966 saw the overthrow of Sukarno. Accompanying it was a bloodbath that cost an estimate of a million lives, including Chinese-Indonesians blindly accused their connection with PKI. Budiman said he was responsible, as the new ruler, Suharto, assimilation policy took the extreme: Ban on Chinese language schools, media, festivals and cultural expressions. Chinese-Indonesians were even pressured to change their names to Indonesian ones sounding.
When Sukarno era sawthe participation of Chinese Indonesians in parliament and ministries, Suharto from politics out of bounds for Chinese-Indonesians. a strong culture of trading, many Chinese-Indonesians attacked course for the economy, became rich and sometimes privileged if their business compounds have Suharto cronies. While this applied only a few Chinese-Indonesians, it was enough to reinforce the recurrent 17th-century problem: envy-driven generalized racial feeling. And we all know what happened in 1998 when Suharto came to be nixed turn.
Budiman began integrationism in the 1970s to embrace, as his studies in the United States led him to the African Americans, which endured a long history of discrimination and violence, but now enjoy equality in civil society and proud since both "Black" and identify "American".
"We can still preserve our ethnic culture, without being less nationalistic. Nationalism and ethnicity do not cancel each other, but each can coexist and enrich," Budiman wrote. "I want the Chinese to say, do not express, to be ashamed of their Chinese unit, while they still show in their actions that their home is Indonesia."
Budiman added that Chinese-Indonesians should be more involved in policy and make sure that Chinese-Indonesian interests are equitably represented. In a democracy, the result of civil society, Chinese-Indonesians, the country worth pledging are making loyalty just as responsible as other Indonesian citizens to Indonesia.
Now in the Reformasi era, more things will be done to ensure that Chinese-Indonesians feel in this country at home. In 02, President Abdurrachman Wahid declared a national holiday new year Chinese and vice versa effectively the anti-China policy of the former regime. Competent Chinese-Indonesians are in political offices, including Jakarta Deputy Mayor Basuki "Ahok" Purnama. In 09, Indonesia honored its first Chinese-Indonesian national hero, Navy Commander John Lie, who fought in the Revolution. Some students are now taught that Chinese-Indonesians an important role both in Indonesia's struggle for independence and contemporary socio-economic development.
The Chinese-Indonesian now I look back and think: "What great trials of my ancestors have overcome"! and how their struggles have made me somehow, I am today. With this knowledge in mind, I've never been so proud of Indonesia call my home, as Chinese blood runs deep in my veins.
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